1、<p><b>　　外文翻譯</b></p><p>　　Feminist Consciousness After the Women’s Movement</p><p>　　Barbara Epstein </p><p>　　There is no longer an organized feminist movement in

2、 the United States that influences the lives and actions of millions of women and engages their political support. There are many organizations, ranging from the National Organization for Women to women’s caucuses in lab

3、or unions and professional groups, which fight for women’s rights, and there are many more organizations, many of them including men as well as women, whose priorities include women’s issues. But the mass women’s movemen

4、t of the</p><p>　　The extent of feminist or proto-feminist consciousness, by which I mean an awareness of the inequality of women and a determination to resist it, that now exists in the United States, is an

5、 accomplishment of the women’s movement. But it is also something of an anomaly, since it is no longer linked to the movement that produced it. When the first wave of the women’s movement in the United States went into d

6、ecline, after woman suffrage was won in 1921, feminism went into decline with it. By the 19</p><p>　　In part this different history may have to do with the disparities between the first and second waves of f

7、eminism. The first wave of feminism began, in the 1840s, as a demand for women’s equality generally. The women’s movement emerged out of the abolitionist movement, and at first feminism was part of an egalitarian worldvi

8、ew, closely connected to antislavery and antiracism. But in the last decade of the nineteenth century, and to an even greater degree over the first two decades of the twentie</p><p>　　The second wave of the

9、women’s movement turned out differently. It did not narrow ideologically, nor did it run into any dead end, as its predecessor had. If anything over time the radical currents within the movement gained influence; women w

10、ho had entered the movement thinking that women’s equality would not require major social changes tended to become convinced that gender inequality was linked to other dimensions of inequality, especially class and race.

11、 The women’s movement declined, in th</p><p>　　They benefited, along with the rest of the class, from the prosperity of the time; they also benefited from affirmative action. Even as they left political acti

12、vity, few feminists thought that the aims of the women’s movement had been accomplished. Many thought that they could continue to work towards these aims in the arenas, mostly professional, that they were entering. Femin

13、ist consciousness was sustained in part, no doubt, because it was widely understood that its aims had not been achieved,</p><p>　　This in itself would not have led to the widespread acceptance of feminism th

14、at has taken place over the last twenty years. In the wake of the September 11 attacks, some commentators have argued that the inequality of women in the Arab world is a sign of the deep cultural gap involved: to reject

15、feminism is to reject modernity and the West. For instance, Laura Bush, speaking on the weekly presidential radio address, on November 17, 2001, supported the Bush administration’s attack on Afghanistan </p><p

16、>　　.The emergence of the second wave of feminism in the United States, was connected to a transformation of the economy that was drawing women into the labor force on a permanent basis. Before the Second World War few

17、 women worked outside the home after marrying and having children; most of the few who did were blacks or immigrants. The middle class set the cultural standard: marriage meant domesticity for women. Working-class people

18、, including immigrant groups, strove to attain this idea. Even the</p><p>　　So, over the last two decades feminist consciousness has spread even as the organized women’s movement has contracted. This is part

19、ly because of the increasing numbers of women in the labor force, and in other areas of public life, who, in talking to each other and giving each other support, spread and redefined feminism, even if they do not call th

20、emselves feminists or use the word. It was possible for the first wave of feminism to disappear because the women’s movement that it was associated w</p><p>　　Over the last two decades other movements have f

21、ollowed the same trajectory as the women’s movement. The environmental movement is a clear case: once consisting of large numbers of people engaged in political activity, it now consists on the one hand of a series of st

22、aff-driven organizations, and on the other, of a large sector of people who consider themselves environmentalist, or who have an environmental consciousness, but who take action on environmental issues largely in individ

23、ual ways, su</p><p>　　Source: Barbara Epstein (1995). Feminist Consciousness After the Women’s Movement</p><p>　　http://monthlyreview.org/2002/09/01/feminist-consciousness-after-the-womens-movem

24、ent</p><p>　　婦女運(yùn)動(dòng)后的女性意識(shí)</p><p><b>　　芭芭拉·愛潑斯坦</b></p><p>　　在美國,影響數(shù)以百萬計(jì)的婦女的生活及行動(dòng)以及給予他們政治支持的有組織的女權(quán)運(yùn)動(dòng)將不復(fù)存在。在美國有許多組織,包括從全國婦女組織到女性工會(huì)黨團(tuán)會(huì)議和專業(yè)團(tuán)體,它們?yōu)閶D女爭(zhēng)取權(quán)利,并且有更多的機(jī)構(gòu),其中許多包括男人和

25、女人,其重點(diǎn)是解決婦女問題。但是在六十年代末，七十年代和八十年代初，群眾性的婦女運(yùn)動(dòng)不再存在。大部分許多認(rèn)為自己是女權(quán)主義者的女性,總是積極地參與女權(quán)主義組織而不是僅僅在在報(bào)紙閱讀與他們相關(guān)的報(bào)道。在大多數(shù)情況下，被吸引到政治活動(dòng)中的年輕女人都不愿加入婦女團(tuán)體。他們更傾向于加入反企業(yè),反全球化,或者社會(huì)公正團(tuán)體。這些年輕的婦女很可能認(rèn)為自己是女權(quán)主義者,她們加入團(tuán)體的女性主義的視角可能會(huì)影響他們定義和解決問題的方式。但這不同于一個(gè)群眾性

26、的男女平等的運(yùn)動(dòng)。一個(gè)類似的運(yùn)動(dòng)也同時(shí)在其他圈子發(fā)生。現(xiàn)在有大量的女性認(rèn)同女權(quán)主義,然而,即使他們不愿意貼上此標(biāo)簽,她們也期望享受和男性平等的權(quán)利。許多的男性也支持這一觀點(diǎn)。</p><p>　　女權(quán)主義或原初女權(quán)主的意識(shí)的發(fā)展程度,我的意思是現(xiàn)在存在于美國的女性不平等意識(shí)的覺醒和抵制它的決心,,是婦女運(yùn)動(dòng)的一種成就。但它也是異常的,因?yàn)樗辉倥c產(chǎn)生它的運(yùn)動(dòng)有聯(lián)系。當(dāng)美國的第一波婦女運(yùn)動(dòng)在1921年婦女選舉權(quán)是贏

27、得勝利后進(jìn)入衰退期,女權(quán)主義走向衰落。到了1950年代,女性主義已經(jīng)幾乎完全消失,不僅作為一個(gè)有組織的運(yùn)動(dòng),而且也作為一種意識(shí)形態(tài)和政治和社會(huì)情感。即使在六十年代初的新左派,把自己當(dāng)作一個(gè)女權(quán)主義會(huì)使人懷疑并可能引起更極端的反應(yīng)?，F(xiàn)在,記憶中美國歷史上第二次女性主義運(yùn)動(dòng)的衰退,是從事許多女性權(quán)利的運(yùn)動(dòng)后退到了過去。但這一次女權(quán)主義意識(shí)反而已經(jīng)變得更加普遍。這就提出了一個(gè)問題:是什么導(dǎo)致了這種差異?當(dāng)女權(quán)主義成為一個(gè)文化潮流而不是一個(gè)社會(huì)

28、變革運(yùn)動(dòng)，到底是什么導(dǎo)致了女性主義這樣的變化?</p><p>　　這部分不同的歷史可能與的第一和第二波女權(quán)主義的差距有一定的關(guān)系。發(fā)生在19世紀(jì)四十年代的第一波女權(quán)主義普遍地要求婦女平等。婦女運(yùn)動(dòng)源自于廢奴運(yùn)動(dòng),并且第一次女權(quán)主義是作為一種平等主義的世界觀而出現(xiàn),并且與反種族主義反對(duì)奴隸制度和反對(duì)種族主義密切聯(lián)系。但在十九世紀(jì)最后十年,甚至更大的程度地到了20世紀(jì)前兩個(gè)十年,主流女權(quán)主義縮小到對(duì)婦女投票權(quán)的需求

29、。主要的女權(quán)主義者,大多是中產(chǎn)階級(jí)和上層中產(chǎn)階級(jí),土生土長(zhǎng)的白人女性,甚至為了婦女選舉權(quán)發(fā)表反種族主義和反移民的言論。雖然婦女運(yùn)動(dòng)還包括工人階級(jí)的女人,其中很多都是社會(huì)主義者,對(duì)他們來說,女權(quán)主義仍然是一個(gè)更廣泛的對(duì)社會(huì)平等承諾的一部分,由二十世紀(jì)的第二個(gè)十年,激進(jìn)主義是婦女運(yùn)動(dòng)中的一個(gè)小趨勢(shì)。艾瑪戈?duì)柕侣?一個(gè)決心抵制反對(duì)資本主義對(duì)婦女的政治壓迫的人,并不是的本世紀(jì)頭二十年的女權(quán)主義者的典型。對(duì)于大多數(shù)女權(quán)主義者和公眾,女權(quán)主義越來越

30、意味著婦女的選舉權(quán)。所以 一旦獲得了選舉權(quán)，女權(quán)主義便失去了其存在的理由，無論是作為一個(gè)運(yùn)動(dòng)或意識(shí)。</p><p>　　第二波女權(quán)運(yùn)動(dòng)則是不同的。它在上思想沒有變得狹隘,也沒有遇到任何的死胡同,正如其前身。久而久之，這種激進(jìn)的潮流隨時(shí)間的推移產(chǎn)生了影響;參與運(yùn)動(dòng)的女性認(rèn)為，女性的平等不需要重大社會(huì)變化。這往往使性別不平等與的其他不平等，特別是階級(jí)和種族這種不平等是有關(guān)的這一說法變得可信。在80年代和90年代，婦

31、女運(yùn)動(dòng)的衰退很大程度上是基于這些年輕的白人中產(chǎn)階級(jí)婦女逐漸擺脫政治活動(dòng)。加爾布雷斯稱，這些女性都是80年代和90年代“文化的滿足感”的受益者。</p><p>　　在女性主義運(yùn)動(dòng)繁榮的時(shí)候，他們連同其他階級(jí)共同受益;同時(shí)，他們也得益于扶持行動(dòng)。即使他們離開政治活動(dòng)，很少有女權(quán)主義者認(rèn)為婦女運(yùn)動(dòng)的目標(biāo)已經(jīng)完成。許多人認(rèn)為他們可以繼續(xù)工作,這些目標(biāo)在競(jìng)技場(chǎng),主要是專業(yè)的,他們進(jìn)入。許多進(jìn)入這個(gè)領(lǐng)域的多是專業(yè)人士，他們

32、認(rèn)為自己可以在賽場(chǎng)繼續(xù)努力實(shí)現(xiàn)這些目標(biāo)。毫無疑問，女權(quán)意識(shí)在某種程度上還在持續(xù)，因?yàn)樗粡V泛地理解為它的目標(biāo)還沒有實(shí)現(xiàn)，許多離開了婦女運(yùn)動(dòng)的婦女仍然致力于實(shí)現(xiàn)其目標(biāo)。</p><p>　　在過去的二十年，這本身并不會(huì)導(dǎo)致廣泛的接受女權(quán)主義現(xiàn)象的發(fā)生。在9 .11恐怖襲擊之后,一些評(píng)論員認(rèn)為阿拉伯女性的不平等標(biāo)志著一個(gè)世界文化鴻溝，即:拒絕女權(quán)主義就是拒絕現(xiàn)代化與西方世界。例如，勞拉·布什總統(tǒng)在每周廣播講

33、話中發(fā)言，2001年11月17日，支持布什政府的理由是因?yàn)樗喾穸▼D女的權(quán)利。在六十年代，甚至可能在七十年代，這樣的說法已經(jīng)是不可想象的。許多女權(quán)主義者，尤其是激進(jìn)的女權(quán)主義者，認(rèn)為他們的挑戰(zhàn)男權(quán)至上也是對(duì)現(xiàn)有的社會(huì)秩序的一種挑戰(zhàn)。許多認(rèn)為自己是社會(huì)秩序的守護(hù)者的人同意這種觀點(diǎn)。女權(quán)主義如何成為現(xiàn)代西方社會(huì)接受的一部分，而不是它的敵人？</p><p>　　美國女權(quán)運(yùn)動(dòng)的第二次浪潮的出現(xiàn)與經(jīng)濟(jì)轉(zhuǎn)型有關(guān)，它使得女

34、性勞動(dòng)擁有永久性的基礎(chǔ)。第二次世界大戰(zhàn)前很少有女性在結(jié)婚生孩子后外出工作;外出工作的其中大部分也是黑人或移民。中產(chǎn)階級(jí)設(shè)置了一種文化標(biāo)準(zhǔn)，即:婚姻意味著女人的家庭生活。工薪階層的人,包括移民群體,努力實(shí)現(xiàn)這個(gè)想法。即使是20世紀(jì)30年代的經(jīng)濟(jì)大蕭條也沒有對(duì)他造成很大影響,許多女性在他們的丈夫失去了工作后支撐自己的家庭,但經(jīng)常是把工作帶到家里。第二次世界大戰(zhàn)期間,許多婦女在外面工作,但那被理解為一個(gè)臨時(shí)的,戰(zhàn)時(shí)的必要性,戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)結(jié)束時(shí)，大多數(shù)

35、的女工人失去工作。</p><p>　　對(duì)于女性來說,為了賺錢在外面工作已經(jīng)成為慣例。為了在社會(huì)各階層獲得更大的性別平等，女權(quán)主義面臨很大壓力,這種狀況改變了美國婦女的生活以及美國特有的社會(huì)結(jié)構(gòu)。女權(quán)主義性別平等的目標(biāo)尚未實(shí)現(xiàn);不僅女性仍然比男性掙得少,但在貧困階層的,單身女性和他們的孩子占支配地位。阻止婦女進(jìn)入傳統(tǒng)的男性領(lǐng)域的偏見依然存在，對(duì)婦女的暴力行為也依然存在。盡管四，五十年代的基本家族是基于男權(quán)至上,不

36、穩(wěn)定增長(zhǎng)的家庭生活也對(duì)女性也幾乎沒什么好處。但女性的平等已經(jīng)成為一個(gè)公開接受原則。明顯的偏離這一原則是一種公開的挑戰(zhàn),在必要的時(shí)候，許多婦女準(zhǔn)備做出這樣的挑戰(zhàn)。這本身就是一個(gè)巨大的推進(jìn)轉(zhuǎn)變。</p><p>　　因此,在過去二十年的女性意識(shí)甚至作為一個(gè)有組織婦女運(yùn)動(dòng)擴(kuò)散。這部分是由于婦女在勞動(dòng)力方面和在其他的公共生活領(lǐng)域的增長(zhǎng),她們相互交談,互相給予支持,傳播和重新定義女權(quán)主義,即使他們不自稱為女權(quán)主義者或使用這

37、個(gè)詞。女權(quán)運(yùn)動(dòng)的第一次沖擊很有可能會(huì)就此減弱并消失因?yàn)檫@次與其牽連的婦女運(yùn)動(dòng)在沒有美國婦女主體即那些已經(jīng)獲得走出家庭去往職業(yè)競(jìng)爭(zhēng)平臺(tái)道路的美國女性的支持下已經(jīng)走到了盡頭。婦女現(xiàn)在正成為重要?jiǎng)趧?dòng)力這一事實(shí)以及她們處于的公共競(jìng)爭(zhēng)場(chǎng)上為各自去留而進(jìn)行的角逐讓女權(quán)運(yùn)動(dòng)及其立足點(diǎn)的再次消失變得難以想象。這是一個(gè)衡量其發(fā)展深度的方法。很有可能女權(quán)運(yùn)動(dòng)將會(huì)成為美國政治上的一個(gè)主流，雖然它并不像任何一個(gè)其他的運(yùn)動(dòng)那樣，但在這層意義上，它卻更像是一個(gè)文化

38、以及政治上的奇跡。</p><p>　　在過去的二十年里其他運(yùn)動(dòng)和婦女運(yùn)動(dòng)一樣都遵循同樣的軌跡。環(huán)保運(yùn)動(dòng)是一個(gè)明顯的例子:一旦由大量從事政治活動(dòng)的人組成，一方面它包含了一系列以員工為導(dǎo)向的組織,另一方面，大部門人認(rèn)為自己是環(huán)保主義者，或有環(huán)保意識(shí)，但是他們?cè)诃h(huán)境問題行動(dòng)上，主要采取個(gè)別的方式，比如他們的購物習(xí)慣和回收習(xí)慣。一個(gè)類似的論點(diǎn)可以對(duì)非裔美國人的運(yùn)動(dòng)進(jìn)行闡述,他的組織已經(jīng)是無能為力的，然而激進(jìn)形式的種族和

39、民族意識(shí)擴(kuò)大,至少從年輕人的文化角度上是這樣的。他們?cè)诘谝淮纬霈F(xiàn)的各種形式的超越國界的意識(shí)方式的這種擴(kuò)張下，一定程度上顯示了這些運(yùn)動(dòng)的持久影響。但它同時(shí)似乎與政治和抗議運(yùn)動(dòng)的衰落有關(guān),并且很難找到令人信服的政治參與形式。正如從政治到文化的衰退傾向,它意味著一種對(duì)勝利的測(cè)量,削弱它然后離開。</p><p>　　外文來源：Barbara Epstein (1995). Feminist Consciousness